Reflections on early modern history in the last 7 days
Monday, 14
th October, 2024
It was inevitable, I suppose. Thirty seven years of computer use starting
with an Amstrad 9512 and continuing with half a dozen laptops and on
CD-Roms and DVD-Rs. That is without counting the thousands of files
written and downloaded and a myriad of photographs. Sadly, I had not
kept proper track of these resources having forgotten where many of
them were saved, what names they had been given and how to find
them. Having a number of external hard drives too has not helped very
much. Once I had decided to embark on the task of collating all of this
material, I invariably found that there were multiple files bearing the
same name but with differing contents. They have to be distinguished
anew. I have a feeling it will be a long winter. If I survive the challenge, I
will let you know.
Saturday, 19
th October, 2024
I have to confess that I succumbed to temptation last Tuesday morning
whilst shopping. A copy of History Extra caught my eye: its contents
covered in part the ‘Civil Wars. Roundheads versus Cavaliers in 17
th
-
century Britain’ (November, 2024 issue, Pp.48-75) which I chose to buy.
Guided by Mark Stoyle, the magazine provided a pretty straightforward
guide to the origins of the Civil Wars concentrating mainly but not
exclusively on England, to King Charles I’s personal character and his rule
after his accession to the throne, to the significance of religious and
political divisions in his kingdoms and to the military struggles that
ensued from the late-1630s onwards. The text was supported by some
well-chosen coloured illustrations. But one or two reservations also
occurred to me. It is true that, in many respects, Charles I’s regime
shared the characteristics he inherited from that of his father. What was
more distinct was Charles I’s expectation that he was to be directly
obeyed and that the processes of bargaining with his subjects, whether
in Parliaments or in the counties and towns of his realms were to be
attenuated. I am not entirely persuaded that the origins of the
subsequent conflicts can be traced back to the religious settlement of
Henry VIII or to the events of the early months of 1642, i.e. to the
arguments of Lawrence Stone or Conrad Russell. A medium-term
explanation dating from the mid to late-1620s seems more plausible.
The claim that the period of Personal Rule in England after 1629 brought
a degree of stability and lessened hostility to the King does not seem
compatible with the outpouring of grievances in and after 1640. There
are, moreover, one or two errors of fact. Ship Money was extended
inland after 1635 not to ‘inland towns’ but to English and Welsh counties.
The Scottish Prayer Book of 1637 was not a simple copy of the English
one designed to spread Anglican observances nor was the Earl of
Strafford a ‘former Lord Deputy’ of Ireland when he was tried and then
executed at the behest of the Long Parliament in 1641. Ireland’s
rebellion was defeated after 10, not 11 years. But these are mere
quibbles. Overall, the publication provides a more than helpful vade
mecum to the events of these tumultuous years in the Stuarts’ realms. It
was well worth succumbing to temptation, to buying and reading it.
Sunday, 20
th October, 2024
Two days ago, the World Turned Upside Down website published the
reflections of Peter Gaunt of the University of Chester on the subject of
‘New Understandings of Charles I’s kingship’. This was originally given to
an audience of school teachers and has been made available in audio
and transcript form. Much of his address concerned changes in the views
of historians on the reign of Charles I in recent decades and how far
these took a negative or positive approach to his record. The question
he asked right at the start was how far blame for the events of the 1640s
should be placed on his shoulders or whether some might be placed on
those of his opponents. It was not difficult to find historians who took
the former position. Here he cited the works of Michael Young and Mark
Parry. Even Richard Cust, who had produced probably the best overall
assessment of the reign, regarded the King as a man frightened of
popularity, over anxious about his honour and afraid that his
Parliaments wished to diminish his powers. Cust did, however, take a
more favourable view of Charles’s record in the 1640s even though
Gaunt as a military historian was unimpressed by his leadership in the
first Civil War. On the other hand, Mark Kishlansky’s short narrative
biography characteristically went against the consensus by emphasising
the positive aspects of Caroline rule. Kevin Sharpe’s mammoth study of
the Personal Rule put the King at the centre of his analysis as a
conviction ruler, the driving force behind the reform of the state in
matters of administration and government, in finance and church affairs.
More recently, the work by Richard Cust and Peter Lake on the county of
Cheshire suggested that there had been a degree of compliance over
financial and secular matters and that conforming Anglicans found
Caroline reforms in the Church acceptable. Peter Lake had followed this
up with a major study of Laudianism published in 2023 which argued
that it was a coherent programme of reform in the Church linked to the
style of the monarchy and the philosophy of the Personal Rule. Given a
longer period of time, it might well have succeeded in consolidating its
programme and driving out its Puritan critics.
Overall, Peter Gaunt appeared cautiously sympathetic to this recent
change in approach whilst acknowledging that it still had to dislodge the
embedded criticisms of the King and his regime amongst historians
wedded to more traditional historiography. It was slightly unfortunate
that the transcript of these proceedings did not reveal how his audience
responded. What was missing too, in my view, was a discussion of the
reactions of opponents of the regime in England, Ireland and Scotland to
Caroline policies in Church and State. This was a feature of Conrad
Russell’s post-1972 work as well. Fortunately, a lot is known about their
deep and growing animus towards the King and his allies at Court and in
the country. There is no sign that they were being reconciled to the
regime’s policies. On the contrary, they were already planning for the
institution of a form of aristocratic constitutionalism in the place of
Charles I’s arbitrary rule well before 1640. Ironically, it was the King’s
political myopia and lack of skill that gave them their opportunity
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