Centre and Locality: review reflections
Quite by chance, I was browsing on Twitter last Friday (9th April) when I spotted on Edward Vallance’s site a reference to a video conference organised by William Clayton of the University of East Anglia at the end of last month. Further searches led me to William Clayton’s review of the book edited by Chris Kyle and Jason Peacey, Connecting Centre and Locality: Communication in early modern England, which appeared under the auspices of the Manchester University Press in 2020 and which Clayton had reviewed for The Seventeenth Century in its most recent issue.[1] This is a subject which interests me and I did give some thought to responding to William Clayton’s largely laudatory comments. However, I was also conscious that I had not read this collection of essays and was thus less well equipped than I should be for assessing either the book or William Clayton’s review.
There was, however, one
historiographical issue upon which I did feel qualified to comment. Right at
the start, Clayton began by observing that the work did not aim to repeat or
criticize old Revisionist arguments about a gap between the centre and locality
but rather to explore aspects of the relationship between the two that a
dichotomous approach had served to obscure. Interestingly, he went on to argue
that they were not fixed, universal concepts in practice but subject to intense
negotiation and renegotiation during the seventeenth century. From there, he
went on to analyse briefly the contributions of individual authors and to
conclude that political communication offers a framework of thinking creatively
about historiographical concepts and issues that had lost much of their
vitality. This is, I hope, a fair summary of points made in the review.
In fact, the analytical challenge
posed by ideas about a struggle between the ‘centre’ and England’s ‘localities’
goes back to Hugh Trevor-Roper’s essay in 1953 on The Gentry 1540-1640: he
postulated a struggle between ‘Court’ and ‘Country’ leading up to the English
Civil War as an alternative to the economic and social determinism of
R.H.Tawney and Lawrence Stone. This hypothesis stimulated a raft of theses by
scholars like Joyce Mouseley, J.T.Cliffe and Gordon Blackwood on the fortunes
of the gentry in counties like Suffolk, Yorkshire and Lancashire as well as in
other places. Just over a decade later, Alan Everitt’s study, The Community of
Kent and the Great Rebellion 1640-1660, appeared in print advancing an equally
bold argument about deep-seated provincial particularism in an England of partly independent
county-states or communities reacting against political and social pressure
from outside. Inevitably, Everitt’s work in turn initiated the production of
further academic theses and books exploring such ideas.
It was from the latter well that
Conrad Russell drew one of his major arguments in his studies of the
Parliaments and politics of the 1620s. In general, men returned to the House of
Commons in those years put the interests of their counties or corporations
ahead of those of the state as a whole and, in particular, were insensitive to
exigencies faced by monarchs and their advisers. This appropriation of
Everitt’s localist hypothesis was already old by the mid-1970s and, in the
works of other county historians like Brian Quintrell, Anthony Fletcher and
John Morrill, becoming more difficult to detect if it could be detected at all.
In any case, Russell’s ‘revisionism’ itself had a relatively short shelf life.
By the mid-1980s, certainly by 1990, Russell, Morrill and other front-line
figures had moved on to explore the implications of the quarrels within and
between the Stuarts’ three kingdoms first elaborated by C.V.Wedgwood, Hugh
Trevor-Roper and Helli Koenigsberger. By then, ‘revisionism’ was largely
defunct.
[1]
William Clayton, Connecting Centre and Locality: Political communication in
early modern England. Edited by Chris R.Kyle and Jason Peacey (Manchester.
Manchester University Press. 2020). The Seventeenth Century, Volume 36, Issue
2. Pp.359-361.
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