Crossing swords with David Underdown in November & December 2007

 


 

David Underdown's account of the historiography of the English

Revolution over the past thirty years is too misleading to pass

unchallenged. The difficulties created by attempts by R.H.Tawney,

Lawrence Stone and others  to account for the conflicts of the 1640s

in terms of an antecedent rise of the gentry and decline of the

peerage were evident well before 1970. Such problems led Conrad

Russell to argue in 1973 that this "social change explanation of the

English Civil War" had broken down, although the long-term weakening

of the financial positions of the Crown and Church remained an

"undoubted part" of its causes. He envisaged that any new social

change explanation would have to be based on the rising power of

artificers and tradesmen and to account for the political and

religious divisions amongst the gentry and peers that made  such a

conflict possible. His subsequent work on the financial problems of

the Crown, on its quarrels with Stuart Parliaments over religion and

taxation and the problems successive Kings faced in ruling Ireland and

Scotland as well as England and Wales showed a serious and enduring

concern with explaining the events of 1640-1642 with which David

Cressy's book dealt.

 

No one - certainly not Russell nor, indeed, John Adamson - has ever

supposed that these conflicts were "an old-fashioned baronial revolt,

a recapitulation of the Wars of the Roses ... in which nobody below

the level of the nobility mattered very much." Stone's assumption that

the political history of the period from the accession of Queen

Elizabeth to the Restoration of the monarchy in 1660 had already been

satisfactorily explored and that economic and social factors explained

its course proved unfounded. The research of Valerie Pearl and of

Underdown himself in the 1960s and early-1970s, and of Professor

Adamson since the mid-1980s has demonstrated the continuing importance

of the peers on the Long Parliament's side throughout the 1640s.

Whenever the 'English Revolution' occurred, the economic and social

importance of the landed elite remained: that is partly why the

post-1649 regimes, which rested ultimately on military force, were

fragile and, because they lacked consent, were unlikely to endure.

 

I am unable to think of any scholar who has attempted to rule out or

downplay the investigation of long-term cultural or economic or social

developments in the period before the 1640s or who has denied that

King Charles, his Privy Councils and governments faced very serious

problems in ruling England and his other kingdoms by that date.

Professor Underdown may not like the historiographical developments of

the last thirty years but debates between historians are bound to

cover changing agendas. That is something I welcome as, indeed, I do

the changes to come in the decades ahead. Old style quasi-determinist

economic and social history of the kind practised in the 1940s and

1950s should not be revived nor should there be any hagiographical

worship of the victors in the conflicts of the 1640s.

 

Christopher Thompson

 

 

 


David Underdown wrote the following response and has asked me to post

it to the list.

 

It seems odd to be responding to a comment which deals with a mere

three sentences of my review of David Cressy's book--a comment which

indeed barely mentions the book.  I wish we could be having a proper

discussion of _England On Edge_, as it rightfully deserves.  However,

I don't know what Christopher Thompson has been reading since the

1970s.  He obviously hasn't been reading _Revel, Riot, and Rebellion_,

_Fire From Heaven_, or _A Freeborn People_.  But that's OK, I am not

offended--it's always hard to keep up with everything.

But if Thompson had read those books, he could scarcely believe that I

do not like "the historiographical developments of the last thirty

years."  I can tell him that I am fully aware that this period has

seen the appearance of exciting new approaches to the history of early

seventeenth-century Britain, many of which have influenced my work,

and which I still find challenging in what I am doing today.  I need

only mention the authors of a few obvious examples:  Alastair Bellany,

Mark Stoyle, Andy Wood, or from a slightly earlier cohort, Tom

Cogswell, Richard Cust, Cynthia Herrup, Ann Hughes.  Instead I am

being asked to rehash yet again some earlier debates, and I don't

think this is particularly worthwhile--I had thought that those

disputes about rising/declining gentry, the surviving strength of the

aristocracy, etc, had exhausted themselves long ago.  If Thompson

wants to remain enmeshed in those issues, I can only hope that he

finds them inspiring--as I do the more recent ones connected with

matters like gender, popular (and elite!) culture, region and

community.  Those, I like to hope, are the ones that are

reinvigorating the study of early modern Britain, along with those of

the "British" and "Atlantic" dimensions.

 

David Underdown

david.underdown@yale.edu

 

 


Date Posted: Thu, 05 Dec 2007 06:39:19 -0500

I can assure Professor Underdown that I have read his three books and

those of David Cressy and the other historians he mentions in his

response with interest and pleasure. It is noticeable, however, that

he does not attempt to defend his  remarks in his review on the

contributions of Conrad Russell and John Adamson at all. If he thinks

they can be justified, perhaps he will set out the grounds upon which

he considered such comments to be sound. Fortunately, the focus of

historical research and debates on the 'English Revolution' or the

'Wars of the Three Kingdoms' has moved on since 1970.

 

Christopher Thompson

 

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